Why 37 committees — not all of them. There are 36 standing committees in the 119th Congress — 20 in the House and 16 in the Senate. This register covers 37: 34 standing committees plus three select committees with legislative jurisdiction (House Intelligence, Senate Intelligence, Senate Indian Affairs). The four joint committees are excluded; they conduct studies and housekeeping rather than consider measures. It scores the committees where the capture pattern is most documentable from public records, and where the gap between citizen need and committee output is most consequential.
Criteria for inclusion:
1. Jurisdiction over high-consequence citizen policy domains. The committees in this register control the legislative pipeline for healthcare, labor rights, food security, elections, taxation, defense, intelligence, transportation safety, environmental protection, veteran services, and tribal trust responsibilities. These are not peripheral policy areas. They are the domains where legislative capture has the most direct and durable effect on citizen life.
2. Available financial documentation. Capture scores require OpenSecrets donor profiles, FEC filing data, and verifiable revolving door records for committee leadership. Committees where this documentation is insufficient to support a defensible score are not included. The intelligence committees carry lower scores partly because their classified operations limit the documentable record — not because capture evidence is absent.
3. Active legislative record in the 119th Congress. Each committee in this register has a documented record of bills advanced, bills blocked, hearings held or withheld, and citizen coalition asks that went unanswered.
4. The capital-citizen gap is legible. The core question of this instrument — who is the committee serving, and who is funding it — must be answerable from public records.
What is not in this register. Two standing committees are unscored: House Ethics and House Homeland Security. Both render without a number pending research, and their absence is a gap in this work, not a finding about them.
Appropriations is scored as a pair. House and Senate Appropriations share a single card. Their power runs through twelve subcommittees per chamber, each controlling a separate spending stream, and through the bundling of provisions into omnibus vehicles under deadline. A four-criterion score on one card does not fully capture that dynamic, and the joint score should be read as a floor rather than a measurement. A subcommittee-level treatment is the obvious next expansion of this instrument.
On completeness. 37 committees is not a comprehensive audit. It is a documented accountability register — selected where the evidence is strong enough to be verifiable and the pattern clear enough to be actionable. If a committee that belongs in this register is absent, that is a research gap — not a finding of clean hands.
Committee Profiles
37 Committees · 119th CongressRating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Restore CFPB enforcement authority; protect consumers from predatory financial products and payday lenders | House Financial Services oversees the CFPB. In the 119th Congress the CFPB has faced significant budget and authority constraints. The Empowering States' Rights to Protect Consumers Act (S. 3721) — which would close the rent-a-bank predatory lending loophole — sits in Senate Banking with no House Financial Services companion action. | Securities & Investment is Hill's #1 industry at $839,595. Commercial Banks at #2 with $354,750 ($230,300 from PACs). Bank of New York Mellon ($46,700), Wells Fargo ($35,300), and New York Life Insurance ($41,500) are top contributors — all regulated by his committee. The industries paying for access are precisely the industries CFPB enforcement targets. | |
| Regulate cryptocurrency and stablecoins to protect consumers; prevent financial system risk from unregulated digital assets | GENIUS Act (P.L. 119-27) enacted — Hill's committee had jurisdiction. The bill created stablecoin regulatory framework but included the SEC/CFTC carve-out the crypto industry lobbied hardest for. Coinbase ($41,300) is among Hill's top contributors. The regulatory framework enacted reflects industry preferences on the critical jurisdictional question. | Coinbase contributed $41,300 to Hill — one of the companies most directly affected by the GENIUS Act's SEC/CFTC carve-out. His top industry Securities & Investment ($839,595) includes crypto-adjacent financial firms. The chair who helped shape the first federal crypto regulation received contributions from the industry's leading exchange. | |
| Affordable housing access; close predatory lending loopholes; protect consumers from 400% APR payday loans | The 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act passed both chambers — a citizen win in Hill's jurisdiction. The Empowering States' Rights to Protect Consumers Act — which would close the rent-a-bank payday lending loophole — has no House Financial Services companion. Real estate interests ($250,500) and insurance ($335,900) dominate Hill's donor base alongside banks. | Real Estate PACs contributed $144,000 to Hill — the industry that benefits from housing finance policy his committee shapes. Insurance PACs contributed $276,500 — the industry whose products compete with or complement public financial protections. The industries that benefit from the current housing and consumer finance framework fund the chair who maintains it. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Protect federal public lands from extraction; maintain NEPA environmental review for public land use | SPEED Act (HR 4776) — Westerman's committee advanced NEPA elimination for energy infrastructure. BLM Resource Management Plan disapprovals — six plans voided, affecting public lands under Natural Resources jurisdiction. The committee that oversees public lands has advanced legislation reducing the environmental review protections that govern those lands. | Oil & Gas is Westerman's #1 industry at $354,262 with $199,800 from PACs. Electric Utilities PACs contributed $122,500 — 100% from PACs. Forestry & Forest Products ($167,599, $110,450 PAC) funds the chair who sets timber policy on federal lands. Every top industry extracts resources from federal lands his committee controls. | |
| Protect tribal sovereignty; enforce federal trust responsibility on tribal lands against extractive industry encroachment | House Natural Resources has jurisdiction over tribal land policy. BLM Resource Management Plans — six voided in 119th Congress — several affected tribal ancestral lands. ConocoPhillips funds both Westerman (Natural Resources) and Murkowski (Senate Indian Affairs) — the same company funding both committee chairs with overlapping jurisdiction over the lands where it operates. | ConocoPhillips funds both Westerman ($16,800) and Murkowski ($73,200) — the two committee chairs with most direct jurisdiction over federal trust responsibilities and extraction rights on lands where ConocoPhillips operates. This is documented cross-committee coordination through campaign finance: the same company funds both gatekeepers of the same policy domain. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Aviation safety reform following Reagan National Airport collision; collision-avoidance technology mandate | H.R.7613 ALERT Act advanced in committee — requires collision-avoidance technology on commercial aircraft. Bipartisan. But broader aviation safety reform has not progressed to floor vote as of April 2026. | Air Transport is Graves's #1 donor industry at $355,999 (2023–2024), with $193,749 coming from PACs. Top contributors: Delta Air Lines $46,700 · Southwest Airlines $36,499 · Boeing Co $34,650. The committee chair overseeing aviation safety is funded primarily by the aviation industry he regulates — at 63.67% total PAC funding. | |
| Safe roads, trucks, and bridges; CDL integrity; protection from underqualified commercial drivers | H.R.5688 "Dalilah's Law" — CDL integrity for non-domiciled commercial drivers. Markup March 18, 2026. Named for a child killed by an underqualified truck driver. Bipartisan citizen-serving bill with genuine safety purpose. | Railroads (#3 industry at $133,233, $77,900 from PACs), Oil & Gas (#2 at $166,300, $155,500 from PACs), and General Contractors (#5 at $109,800) all fund Graves through PACs. American Trucking Associations ($26,800) is also a top contributor. The industries that operate heavy vehicles on public roads fund the committee chair who regulates them. | |
| Protect water resources; maintain environmental review for infrastructure projects; NEPA oversight | SPEED Act (HR 4776) — eliminates NEPA review for energy infrastructure. Passed House with Graves committee support. Building Materials & Equipment ($113,500, 88% PAC) and General Contractors ($109,800) are top industry donors. Environmental review elimination directly benefits these industries. | Building Materials & Equipment PACs contributed $100,000 to Graves (2023–2024) — 88% of the total from that industry. These are the companies that build the infrastructure projects NEPA review would otherwise assess. Eliminating review accelerates their contracts. Oil & Gas PACs ($155,500) also benefit from NEPA elimination for pipeline projects. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Ban members of Congress from trading stocks in companies whose revenue depends on decisions those members make | STOCK Act (2012): requires disclosure within 45 days, $200 penalty for violations, zero criminal prosecutions in 12-year history. In 2013, Congress amended the Act to eliminate the searchable public database. | 50 members of Congress traded between $24M and $113M in Pentagon contractor stocks in 2024 — while simultaneously writing the military budgets that determined which companies received contracts. Nearly one-third of Senate Defense Appropriations Subcommittee members own stocks in top defense contractors. | |
| Prioritize veteran healthcare over contractor profit; hold defense budget to auditable standards | NDAA FY2026 (S. 1071): $886.3 billion defense authorization — record level. All 13 senators with documented defense stock holdings voted for it. Pentagon has failed every audit attempted since the audit requirement was established. | Defense industry: $3.6 billion lobbying machine. Contracts are deliberately distributed across congressional districts to ensure every member has a local economic interest in continued defense spending. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Close the carried interest loophole; ensure private equity pays ordinary income tax rates on fund profits | Carried interest has survived every tax reform cycle. Ways & Means has not scheduled a markup on carried interest elimination in the 119th Congress. The No Tax on Tips Act passed Senate and awaits House action — but carried interest, which benefits far fewer people at far greater dollar amounts, has not moved. | KKR & Co contributed $73,600 and Blackstone Group $72,000 to Smith in 2023–2024 — two of the largest private equity firms whose profits are taxed at the carried interest rate his committee controls. Blackstone now appears as a top donor to Smith (Ways & Means), Steil (House Administration), and Cotton (Senate Intelligence). Securities & Investment is his #1 industry at $685,783. | |
| Protect Social Security and Medicare from benefit cuts; ensure long-term solvency through revenue measures | Ways & Means controls Social Security and Medicare financing. OBBBA Medicaid cuts — $1T+ — passed through the budget reconciliation process that Ways & Means shapes. The committee has not advanced legislation to strengthen Social Security financing through higher earner contributions. | Insurance industry contributed $394,754 to Smith (53.38% from PACs) — insurance companies have a direct financial interest in the boundary between public Medicare and private insurance markets. The National Assn of Realtors ($131,200) is his top contributor — real estate interests benefit from mortgage interest deductions and 1031 exchange provisions his committee controls. | |
| Fair trade policy; protect American workers from tariff-driven price increases; congressional authority over trade | SJ Res 49 — the bipartisan resolution to terminate the tariff emergency — failed in the Senate on April 30, 2025, on a 49–49 tied vote (Record Vote 225) and never reached the President. The Administration had issued a veto threat days before the vote. Ways & Means has jurisdiction over trade and tariffs. No subsequent legislation has been advanced to restore congressional trade authority or provide tariff transparency as citizens have requested. | Smith's donor base includes the National Assn of Realtors and real estate interests — sectors that benefit from import protection on building materials. The Tariff Transparency Act and No Grocery Tariff Act both sit in Ways & Means jurisdiction with no committee action. Citizens are paying $1,900–$3,800/yr in higher prices. The analysis of that cost has been blocked in the same committee. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Lower drug list prices; direct Medicare price negotiation with manufacturers | PBM Price Transparency and Accountability Act: Targets pharmacy middlemen — not the manufacturers who set list prices. Same bill has stalled in three consecutive Congresses. | PhRMA (drug manufacturers) are top campaign contributors. PBM reform creates the appearance of action while leaving manufacturer pricing power intact. | |
| Restore Medicaid and ACA coverage lost under OBBBA; reverse $1T in safety net cuts | No corrective legislation introduced. ACA premium tax credit expiration caused premium spikes for 20M marketplace enrollees as of November 2025. | OBBBA transferred ~$1T from Medicaid/SNAP to top-1% tax cuts. CBO confirmed 10M people lost health insurance. The same committee that passed OBBBA has introduced no legislation to restore coverage. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Enforce Clean Air Act standards; protect air quality from fossil fuel rollbacks; hold EPA to emission reduction mandates | Senate Environment & Public Works oversees EPA and Clean Air Act implementation. In the 119th Congress multiple EPA rules have been weakened. The committee has not held adversarial oversight hearings requiring EPA to justify rollbacks against the statute's requirements. CRA disapprovals reduced EPA enforcement authority that this committee had jurisdiction to defend. | Oil & Gas is Capito's #3 industry at $403,066 with $265,500 from PACs. Williams Companies (natural gas pipeline operator) is her top contributor at $49,200. FirstEnergy Corp — an electric utility with documented Clean Air Act compliance issues — is #3 at $45,325. The industries whose air emissions the Clean Air Act regulates directly fund the chair who oversees that regulation. | |
| Protect Clean Water Act; enforce water quality standards; prevent rollback of navigable waters protections | Senate Environment & Public Works oversees the Clean Water Act and WOTUS rulemaking. The committee has not advanced legislation to codify Clean Water Act protections against executive rollback. Blackstone Group ($46,800) — a major real estate investor — is her #2 contributor. Real estate development is directly affected by WOTUS jurisdiction. | Blackstone Group funds Capito (Environment & Public Works), Smith (Ways & Means), Steil (House Administration), and Cotton (Senate Intelligence) — four committees with overlapping policy jurisdiction. Blackstone's real estate portfolio has direct interest in WOTUS jurisdiction, which determines which water bodies can be filled for development. The committee chair who sets that boundary is funded by one of the largest real estate investors in the world. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Protect consumers from predatory overdraft fees; regulate digital payment platforms | SJRes 18 and SJRes 28 — Congress used the CRA to repeal both the CFPB overdraft fee cap rule and the CFPB digital payment app oversight rule. Both enacted May 9, 2025. | The financial services industry spent over $700M lobbying Congress in 2024. The CFPB was created specifically to protect consumers from the products these bills deregulated. Both bills were fast-tracked by members with documented financial services PAC dependency. | |
| Restore Glass-Steagall separation; end Too Big to Fail | No Glass-Steagall restoration bill has received a committee hearing in the 119th Congress. The four largest banks now hold $10+ trillion in assets — bigger than before the 2008 crash. | The financial sector is the #2 capital spender in American politics. The implicit federal guarantee of survival — proven in 2008 — has never been repealed. Wall Street PAC contributions to Banking committee members are among the highest of any sector. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| A functioning federal budget passed on time; no government shutdowns disrupting services | Two government shutdowns in the 119th Congress (Oct–Nov 2025; Jan–Feb 2026). Each shutdown creates a deadline crisis in which thousands of pages of spending are assembled under emergency conditions — an environment where special-interest riders are inserted with minimal scrutiny. | Defense contractors, whose appropriations are rarely affected by shutdowns, are primary beneficiaries of omnibus packaging. Federal budget and appropriations was the most heavily lobbied issue area in 2025: 5,189 organizations reported lobbying activity. | |
| Domestic programs funded at levels reflecting citizen need | Labor/HHS/Education Appropriations FY2026: most contested appropriations bill each cycle · stalled in committee · has not been enacted on time in over two decades. Defense appropriations pass first, always on time. | The Labor/HHS/Education bill funds citizen-serving programs that lack the lobbying infrastructure that defense and financial services programs have. The bill that funds hospitals, schools, and worker protections is always last. Lockheed Martin spent $15.7M lobbying in 2025. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Independent Pentagon audit; accountability for $886B in annual defense spending that has failed every audit since 2018 | NDAA FY2026 (S.1071, P.L. 119-60) enacted. Senate Armed Services co-authored this authorization alongside House Armed Services. The Pentagon has failed every audit since the legal requirement was established in 2018. Senate Armed Services has not required corrective action or conditioned authorization on audit compliance. | Lobbyists are Wicker's #3 industry at $448,616 — the industry that represents defense contractors before the committee he chairs. BGR Group ($46,500) is a prominent defense lobbying firm among his top contributors. Lockheed Martin ($70,625) is his #2 contributor — the largest defense contractor in the world. The lobbying industry that mediates between defense contractors and the Senate Armed Services Committee funds the chair of that committee. | |
| Veterans healthcare and housing access; accountability for VA capacity gaps relative to veteran need | Senate Armed Services authorizes defense personnel and programs but does not control VA healthcare — that is Senate Veterans Affairs. However, the NDAA shapes active duty-to-veteran transition and military healthcare. Senate Armed Services has not advanced legislation to close the gap between military medical benefits and VA capacity. | Wicker's Leadership PACs category at #4 ($448,000, 100% PAC) reflects leadership alignment over constituent or industry driving. His donor profile shows Lockheed and BGR as the defense-adjacent anchors. The absence of veteran advocacy organizations from his top contributors is itself a data point: the committee that authorizes defense spending is funded by the defense industry, not the veteran community that inherits the consequences of military policy. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Online privacy protections; data broker regulation; algorithm accountability | SPEED Act / PERMIT Act: Streamlines environmental reviews for AI data center and energy infrastructure — a priority of Big Tech, not citizens | Upon taking the E&C chairmanship, Guthrie collected $1.6M from PACs in nine months, including 100 PACs that had never written him a check before. BGR Group — employing former E&C counsel Brent Del Monte — represents major tech/energy clients. | |
| Environmental review before energy infrastructure is built in communities | H.R. 3632 (Power Plant Reliability Act): Grants blanket exemption from all federal, state, and local environmental laws for any power plant action under a FERC reliability order — passed House Dec 16 2025. | American Petroleum Institute and major energy trade groups provided formal on-the-record testimony in E&C hearings on H.R. 3632. Guthrie received $1.6M in new PAC contributions in 2025 alone; energy and utility PACs among the first-time donors. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| One bill, one subject — citizens should know what they're getting when Congress votes | One Subject at a Time Act (H.R. 1158 · Rep. Fulcher R-ID): requires each bill address only one subject. Referred to Rules Committee. No hearing scheduled. No markup. Rules Committee chair has not brought it to the floor in two consecutive Congresses. | The omnibus and reconciliation packaging that the One Subject at a Time Act would prohibit is the primary mechanism for inserting special-interest riders that could not survive standalone floor votes. Every industry that benefits from buried provisions has a structural interest in blocking this bill. | |
| OBBBA provisions should have been debated and voted on individually — not packaged into a 1,000-page reconciliation bill under a closed rule | OBBBA (H.R. 1 · P.L. 119-21): The Rules Committee issued a closed rule for consideration — no amendments permitted. The bill contained: $1.02T in Medicaid cuts, ACA premium tax credit expiration, Alaska drilling authorization, SNAP work requirement expansion, and dozens of other major policy changes. | The closed rule on OBBBA meant that provisions with majority opposition — including the Medicaid cuts — could not be stripped out by amendment. The Rules Committee's closed rule architecture is what made the OBBBA's capture of the legislative process structurally complete. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Lower prescription drug costs; protect Medicare drug price negotiation; ACA access for all income levels | S.2292 OTC Drug User Fee Amendments: restores pharmaceutical industry user fee framework that funds FDA review — without expanding drug pricing accountability provisions | Pharmaceuticals/Health Products: $712,504 to Cassidy (2019–2024), including $428,950 from PACs. Health Professionals: $1,313,974 — second largest industry bloc. Ochsner Health System: $130,995 top contributor. The industries this committee regulates are its top funders. | |
| Stronger worker protections; union organizing rights; domestic worker labor standards | HELP focused 2025–2026 oversight on child care fraud investigation and college athletics governance — not on PRO Act or Domestic Workers Bill of Rights, both stalled in committee | Cassidy's top contributor (career) is Welsh, Carson et al — a private equity firm specializing in healthcare and technology investments. Private equity's interest in labor regulation is documented: weaker labor standards lower portfolio company costs. Securities & Investment is his #1 industry at $1.56M. | |
| Free school meals for hungry children; increased school meal reimbursement; CARE for Kids Act | Feed Hungry Kids Act (HR 5128), Healthy Meals Help Kids Learn Act (HR 5753), CARE for Kids Act (HR 4451) — all referred to HELP, all with no committee action in 119th Congress | FRAC (Food Research & Action Center) has championed all three bills. No comparable organized lobbying infrastructure opposes them — there is no lobby for childhood hunger. There is also no urgency from the committee. The three bills share a common trait: their beneficiaries have no PAC. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| PRO Act — expand workers' right to organize; close anti-union loopholes; override right-to-work laws | HR 20 PRO Act — referred to House Education & Workforce. No committee action in 119th Congress. AFL-CIO and SEIU have championed this bill. The committee that controls labor law reform has not scheduled a hearing. | Walberg's donor base has zero labor union presence. Electric Utilities PAC ($67,500), Insurance PAC ($61,000), and Oil & Gas PAC ($51,000) are his top PAC donors — industries that benefit from weak union organizing rights. The chair who controls the PRO Act is funded by the industries whose labor costs would increase if workers organized more effectively. | |
| School nutrition reform — Feed Hungry Kids Act, Healthy Meals Help Kids Learn Act, CARE for Kids Act | All three FRAC-backed school nutrition bills — HR 5128, HR 5753, HR 4451 — are referred to House Education & Workforce. No committee action. Children in high-poverty schools go unfed because of paperwork barriers this committee could fix. | The school nutrition bills have no organized opposition — there is no lobby for childhood hunger. There is also no urgency from a committee whose donor base has no stake in the outcome. DTE Energy, Rdv Corp, and McKinley Assoc — Michigan constituent donors — have no school nutrition policy interest. The bills sit in committee by inertia, not active blocking. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Antitrust enforcement against Big Tech monopolies; Section 230 reform; data privacy legislation | 4:1 ratio — investigative oversight hearings over legislative markups. Antitrust, Section 230, and data privacy have received no floor-track legislation in the 119th Congress. | Jordan's capture story is political, not donor-driven. Top industry: Republican/Conservative ideological money — $1,894,802. No financial sector, tech, or defense sector domination. The committee's bandwidth serves the political career engine, not a specific donor industry. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Oversight of DOGE workforce reductions; due process for career civil servants; enforcement of merit system protections | Senate Homeland Security & Governmental Affairs has not held adversarial oversight hearings on DOGE's agency reduction-in-force actions, suspension of merit protections, or removal of career civil servants. The committee with direct jurisdiction over civil service protections has not used that jurisdiction to constrain the largest federal workforce disruption since the 1970s civil service reforms. | Paul's funding is 2.65% PAC — the lowest of any chair in this register. This is not financial capture. It is ideological capture: a libertarian philosophical commitment to reducing federal workforce that aligns completely with DOGE's agenda. Senate Conservatives Fund ($197,060) and Club for Growth ($135,104) — his top contributors — both advocate for smaller government. The committee chair's ideology and his funders' ideology are identical. | |
| Implementing DOGE Act — statutory authority and congressional oversight for DOGE operations | HR 199 Implementing DOGE Act — introduced January 2025, no committee action. The bill would give DOGE statutory authority and subject it to congressional oversight, FOIA, and legal challenge. Senate Homeland Security & Governmental Affairs has jurisdiction. The committee has not advanced legislation to bring DOGE's operations under statutory accountability. | Giving DOGE statutory authority would subject it to the oversight mechanisms Paul's committee controls — FOIA, congressional hearings, inspector general review. A DOGE operating in the legal gray zone is more effective at the deregulatory agenda Paul and his donors support than a DOGE accountable to congressional oversight. The committee has jurisdiction to mandate accountability. It has not used it. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| An independent federal judiciary that interprets law without predetermined outcomes | 89 civilian judicial nominees confirmed in the first six months — record-setting pace. Majority aligned with Federalist Society "constitutionalist philosophy" focused on curbing the administrative state. | Grassley's top sector: Securities & Investment — $685,350. The judicial confirmation pipeline is funded by ideological infrastructure. The Federalist Society pipeline represents three decades of organized capital investment in judicial philosophy. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Independent federal oversight of all government programs including executive branch restructuring | Formal partnership with DOGE: DOGE Subcommittee established as dedicated coordination body. "War on Waste" hearings launched February 2026. Joint July 4, 2026 deadline to deliver a "smaller, more efficient government." | Booz Allen Hamilton PAC contributed to Comer's 2025-2026 cycle. Booz Allen derives 97% of revenue from federal government contracts — a primary beneficiary of restructuring that shifts federal functions to private contractors. The committee overseeing federal contracting is chaired by a member receiving contractor PAC money while formally partnering with the entity accelerating that contracting shift. | |
| Protection of federal employee data; independent investigation of unauthorized government data access | DOGE personnel accessed Social Security Administration data without authorization — a documented breach potentially affecting every American with a Social Security number. The committee is processing whistleblower claims alongside DOGE rather than independently investigating DOGE. | Charles Borges, former SSA Chief Data Officer, filed an 18-page complaint documenting that DOGE employees copied a database containing information for 300–500 million Americans onto an unsecure private cloud server. A former DOGE engineer reportedly left government with the Numident and Master Death File on a personal thumb drive. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Protect tribal sovereignty over natural resources; enforce federal trust responsibility on tribal lands against extractive industry encroachment | BLM Resource Management Plan disapprovals — six RMPs voided by CRA in the 119th Congress, several affecting tribal ancestral lands. Senate Indian Affairs did not advance legislation to restore tribal consultation authority. The federal trust responsibility requires the U.S. to protect tribal land and resources — the CRA disapprovals reduced that protection. | ConocoPhillips is Murkowski's top contributor at $73,200. Oil & Gas is her #3 industry at $540,172 ($178,883 from PACs). ConocoPhillips operates Willow Project on Alaska North Slope — ancestral lands of Iñupiat communities. The chair of the committee with federal trust responsibility for tribal lands is funded by the extractive industry operating on those lands. | |
| Tribal healthcare, education, and infrastructure investment through Indian Health Service and Bureau of Indian Affairs | Indian Health Service is chronically underfunded relative to documented need. Senate Indian Affairs has jurisdiction but the appropriations gap persists across every Congress. Murkowski also sits on Appropriations — the committee that sets IHS funding levels — and HELP, which oversees health policy. The multi-committee position creates potential for advocacy; the funding gap persists. | Murkowski's cross-committee position (Appropriations, Energy & Natural Resources, HELP, Indian Affairs) means her donor base reflects multiple jurisdictions simultaneously. KKR ($54,205) appears among her top contributors — private equity with Alaska-area investments. The absence of tribal health advocacy organizations from her top contributor list reflects the resource asymmetry between tribal advocacy and extractive industry in the donor landscape. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Transparency in intelligence activities; civil liberties protection; limits on domestic surveillance | H.R.5167 Intelligence Authorization Act FY2026 — placed on Union Calendar Nov 28, 2025, no floor vote. IAA ultimately enacted as Division F of NDAA (PL 119-60). Classified provisions dominate; civil liberties constraints are the provisions most likely to be reduced in classified markup. | Crawford's donor profile is dominated by agriculture (Crop Production & Basic Processing #1 at $90,920, Agricultural Services #2 at $78,250) — not defense or intelligence industries. Boeing ($11,000, 100% PAC) is his only defense-adjacent top contributor. The chair of the House Intelligence Committee is funded primarily by crop producers and railroads, not the intelligence contractors his committee authorizes. | |
| Accountability for intelligence community failures; independent oversight of covert programs | Committee voted to release historical transcripts from prior closed proceedings (Mar 24, 2026 business meeting) — a selective transparency mechanism. Broader accountability for current programs operates through classified channels invisible to the public. | Crawford's agricultural donor base creates an unusual profile: the House Intelligence chair is not captured by defense contractors — he appears to be captured by agricultural interests that have nothing to do with his intelligence jurisdiction. This raises a different question: why does a committee chair whose jurisdiction is CIA and NSA have crop producers as his top donors? The answer may be constituent-driven, not capture-driven. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Full PACT Act implementation; toxic exposure healthcare for all eligible veterans; eliminate backlog in VA claims processing | PACT Act was enacted in the 118th Congress — a landmark citizen win. House Veterans Affairs in the 119th Congress has oversight responsibility for implementation. VA claims backlog has grown despite PACT Act passage. The committee has held implementation oversight hearings but the backlog remains a documented gap between the law's promise and operational delivery. | Bost's top industry is Leadership PACs at $244,800 (100% PAC) — not veteran-adjacent at all. Veterans United Home Loans ($28,200) is his only veteran-adjacent top contributor. No VSO PACs appear in top five. The committee chair who oversees veteran healthcare delivery is funded primarily by other members' political committees, not the veteran community he serves or industries he regulates. | |
| Veteran mental health resources; suicide prevention; housing and employment support for homeless veterans | Veteran suicide rate: approximately 17 per day as of most recent VA data. House Veterans Affairs has jurisdiction over VA mental health programs. The committee has advanced some mental health legislation in the 119th Congress. The gap between program authorization and operational capacity at VA is the persistent accountability question. | Bost's donor profile — Leadership PACs #1, Retired #2, Crop Production #3 — reflects a constituency-driven funding pattern rather than industry capture. The capture risk here is leadership alignment: Leadership PACs at 100% fund his top donor category, meaning his largest funders are other members of Congress whose priorities may not align with veteran need. This is institutional capture through peer funding, not industry capture. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Food safety standards; right to know about pesticide health risks | H.R. 7567 Sec. 10205: Pesticide manufacturer liability shield — would have blocked failure-to-warn lawsuits by harmed farmers and consumers. Struck on the House floor by H.AMDT. 196, 280–142 (Roll 148), April 30, 2026 | Bayer/Monsanto spent $9.19M lobbying in 2025. Ken Barbic (former USDA Asst. Secretary) now at Invariant, registered to lobby for Bayer. Ballard earned a record $20.4M in a single quarter in 2025. | |
| State-level pesticide warning rights; local community health protections | H.R. 7567 Sec. 10206: Federal preemption of state and local pesticide authority — would have overridden state pesticide-labeling authority | CropLife America's PAC contributed $10,000 to Friends of Glenn Thompson in the 2026 cycle; four pesticide-industry PACs contributed $17,500 combined (FEC, through July 31, 2026). Four major pesticide trade groups spent a combined $22M on federal lobbying in 2025. | |
| Lower grocery prices; SNAP adequacy for families | H.R. 7567: Additional SNAP cuts layered on top of OBBBA reductions; farm commodity supports that benefit industrial agriculture over small producers | National Corn Growers, American Farm Bureau, and National Pork Producers Council all issued statements supporting H.R. 7567 after committee passage. Industrial agriculture dominates committee donor base. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Transparent intelligence oversight; public accountability for surveillance programs; civil liberties protections in IAA | S.2342 IAA FY2026 — reported with classified annex (S. Rept. 119-51, July 29, 2025). Enacted as Division F of NDAA PL 119-60. Worldwide threats hearing held Mar 18, 2026 — the committee's primary public-facing transparency mechanism. The hearing is the accountability substitute for legislation that citizens cannot read. | Cotton raised $16.3M (2019–2024) with only 9.04% from PACs — similar to Cruz, predominantly individual-funded. Top donors: Apollo Global Management ($90,500) and Blackstone Group ($33,400) — private equity firms. Securities & Investment is his top industry at $1.65M. The Senate Intelligence chair is funded by Wall Street, not defense contractors. | |
| Accountability for foreign interference in U.S. elections; counterintelligence transparency | Open Hearing: Worldwide Threats (Mar 18, 2026) — the committee's annual public accountability session. Counterintelligence priorities are set in classified sessions. Foreign interference investigations and findings are released selectively and at committee discretion. | Cotton's private equity donor base — Apollo ($90,500), Blackstone ($33,400) — has significant international investment portfolios. The Senate Intelligence Committee's oversight of foreign economic intelligence and counterintelligence operations has implications for private equity firms with global investments. This is a potential jurisdictional conflict that is not visible in public disclosures. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Platform accountability; Section 230 reform; AI safety standards that protect consumers | Commerce held "Liability or Deniability? Platform Power as Section 230 Turns 30" hearing (Mar 18, 2026) — produced no legislative vehicle. AI governance hearing (Mar 3, 2026) similarly produced no binding framework. | Cruz raised $105.6M (2019–2024) with only 1.48% from PACs — overwhelmingly individual-funded from ideological donors. Tech industry PAC contribution is minimal. However, the jurisdictional conflict is real: Cruz's committee oversees Section 230, which platform companies depend on for immunity. Hearings without legislation protect the status quo. | |
| Aviation safety reform following the January 2025 Reagan National Airport collision | S.2503 ROTOR Act passed Senate but has been held at House desk since Dec 2025. Commerce oversight hearing on NTSB investigation held Feb 2026. No comprehensive aviation safety legislation enacted. | Aviation industry funds Commerce members broadly. Cruz's own top industries include none from aviation — but the committee's broader membership includes recipients of aviation PAC money. Senate Commerce has jurisdiction over FAA and NTSB. The collision that killed 67 people produced hearings and a stalled bill. | |
| Consumer data privacy protections; right to data deletion; limits on surveillance capitalism | No federal comprehensive data privacy legislation enacted in 119th Congress. Commerce has held hearings on AI and spectrum strategy. Platform liability, not privacy rights, has been the committee's primary frame. | Cruz's unique fundraising profile — 44.6% from small individual contributors, 1.48% from PACs — means the capture mechanism here is structural, not financial. The committee's agenda reflects ideological priorities: deregulation over consumer protection, platform immunity over consumer rights. The absence of financial capture does not mean the absence of institutional capture. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Congressional oversight of arms transfers and foreign military sales; war powers restored to Congress | H.R. 8661, the Foreign Military Financing Loan Authorization Act of 2026, sponsored by Chairman Mast, was ordered reported (amended) 37–9 on May 13, 2026. It expands loan authority for foreign military financing. No war powers or arms-transfer oversight measure has advanced from this committee in the 119th Congress. | American Israel Public Affairs Committee PAC contributed $442,663 and NORPAC $47,480 to Mast in the 2026 cycle — roughly a quarter of his $1.97M in non-individual receipts. RTX, General Atomics and Northrop Grumman employee PACs each contributed $10,000. Foreign military financing, arms transfers and foreign military sales are this committee's jurisdiction. The chair sponsored the financing bill. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Congressional review of arms sales; a foreign policy record Congress votes on rather than defers | S. 4726, the PEACE in Sudan Act, sponsored by Chairman Risch, was placed on the Senate Legislative Calendar, General Orders, Calendar No. 519, on July 27, 2026. Most of the chair's other sponsored measures were referred to committees other than his own. No arms-sale review reform has advanced from this committee in the 119th Congress. | AIPAC PAC contributed $293,958 and NORPAC $53,120 to Risch in the 2026 cycle — roughly $347,000 of $1.63M in non-individual receipts. BGR Group, a Washington lobbying firm, appears among his top itemized individual employers at $15,000. The same pro-Israel PAC funding pattern documented on House Foreign Affairs appears here, on the same jurisdiction, in the other chamber. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Restore the health coverage and food assistance cut through reconciliation; a budget process citizens can follow | H. Con. Res. 113, the concurrent budget resolution sponsored by Chairman Arrington, was introduced July 18, 2026 and placed on the Senate Legislative Calendar, General Orders, Calendar No. 468, on July 23. The Budget Committee builds the reconciliation vehicle. No legislation restoring the Medicaid or SNAP reductions carried by the prior reconciliation act has advanced from this committee. | Healthcare PACs are among Arrington's largest institutional contributors this cycle — The US Oncology Network $10,000, Health Care Service Corporation Employees $10,000, Elevance Health $7,500. Banking and energy follow: American Bankers Association BankPAC $10,000, Valero Energy $10,000, Phillips 66 $7,500, Dell Technologies $10,000. Of $1.68M raised, $622,500 came from other political committees. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| A farm bill: reauthorized commodity, conservation and nutrition programs before the current extension expires | H.R. 7567 was received in the Senate on May 19, 2026 and the committee has taken no action on it since. Chairman Boozman released his own discussion draft, the Agricultural Act of 2026, on June 23 and revised text on July 31. At the August 6 markup the bill failed to advance; the chairman recessed the committee indefinitely, saying the impasse was holding the farm community hostage. The Agricultural Act of 2026 has never been introduced as a numbered bill. | Boozman's agribusiness support is real but diffuse — commodity associations giving at or near the $5,000 statutory maximum. Four separate peanut PACs contributed $20,000 combined; National Pecan Federation $10,000; National Rural Water $10,000; Farmers' Rice Cooperative and PepsiCo $7,500 each; US Sugar, Texas Farm Bureau, Seaboard, Louis Dreyfus and Beef-PAC $5,000 each. Total receipts for the cycle are $507,949 — the smallest of any chair in this register. Diffuse, capped money does not purchase a farm bill, and no farm bill was produced. | |
| Preserve the right to sue pesticide manufacturers for failure to warn; keep state pesticide-labeling authority intact | Boozman's discussion draft omitted the pesticide labeling preemption the House committee had included — a citizen-serving outcome. But at the August 6 markup, an amendment by Sen. Booker responding directly to Monsanto v. Durnell was voted down, and the committee then failed to advance the bill at all. The provision citizens opposed is gone. So is the vehicle that would have restored what the Court removed. | No contributions from Bayer, CropLife America, Corteva or Syngenta appear in Boozman's 2026-cycle FEC filings. The pesticide industry's documented spend is lobbying — $9.19M by Bayer in 2025 — which this instrument does not measure. The absence of pesticide money from the chair's receipts is a finding about where the industry spends, not evidence that it is absent. | |
| Consumer protection in digital-asset markets before a federal framework is locked in | This committee holds jurisdiction over the CFTC, and therefore over digital commodities. On March 11, 2026 Chairman Boozman introduced S. 4064, the Digital Commodity Intermediaries Act. It was read twice and placed directly on the Senate Legislative Calendar, General Orders, Calendar No. 355, on March 12 — bypassing committee referral. Six cosponsors. The committee's farm bill has not moved since. Its digital-commodity bill reached the calendar in one day. | Boozman's largest itemized individual contributions by employer, 2026 cycle, are digital-asset and finance firms: Andreessen Horowitz $21,000, Coinbase $10,500, Robinhood $13,000 across two filings, Soroban Capital Partners $7,000, 1st Financial Bank USA $7,000. Together roughly $58,500 — more than any agricultural employer on his itemized list, on a total individual itemized base of $192,500. The money maps to the jurisdiction where legislation moved. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| VA health capacity that meets veteran demand; accountability for community-care contracting | S. 4993, the POPCaP Act of 2026, sponsored by Chairman Moran, was read twice and referred to his own Committee on Veterans' Affairs on July 15, 2026. No further action. The chair's other recent sponsored measures were referred to Banking, HELP, Commerce, Agriculture and Finance — committees other than his own. | A senior-care and long-term-care cluster appears in Moran's 2026 receipts: Legend Senior Living $21,000 among itemized employers, Argentum's Silver PAC $8,000, Direct Supply $10,000. Financial services is larger still — Raymond James Financial $147,350, Mortgage Bankers Association $12,000, and four Kansas banks. Of $1.30M raised, $325,950 came from other political committees. Long-term and community care are within this committee's jurisdiction. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Access to affordable small-business capital; SBA lending that reaches applicants banks decline | H.R. 7412, the Put America on Commission Act of 2026, was placed on the Union Calendar (No. 425) on February 20, 2026. H.R. 6546, the Merger Process Review Act, reached the Union Calendar (No. 453) on February 25. Neither addresses SBA lending access. No measure expanding SBA direct lending has advanced from this committee in the 119th Congress. | Williams's institutional funding is concentrated in lending and financial services: PlainsCapital Bank $18,319, American Bankers Association BankPAC $10,000, Ally Financial $7,500, Huntington Bancshares $7,000, Higginbotham Insurance $7,500, American Institute of CPAs $10,000. Of $1.42M raised, $454,978 came from other political committees against only $68,844 in itemized individual contributions. SBA loan guarantees are originated by banks. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Public lands protected from disposal; energy policy citizens can weigh in on | S. 5338, the Energy Efficiency Reform Act of 2026, sponsored by Chairman Lee, was read twice and referred to his own Committee on Energy and Natural Resources on August 6, 2026. No further action. The majority of the chair's recent sponsored bills were referred to the Judiciary Committee rather than his own. | Lee is among the least institutionally funded chairs in this register: $63,090 in non-individual receipts against $2.26M raised, with $1.11M in itemized individual contributions. Energy interests appear on the individual side — Quantum Capital Group $21,000, Pattern $19,000 — and the largest energy PAC contribution is $5,000 from the Edison Electric Institute. On this instrument's measure, funder alignment is weak. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| A budget process that does not move healthcare and food assistance through reconciliation without hearings | S. Con. Res. 38, the concurrent budget resolution sponsored by Chairman Johnson, was placed on the Senate Legislative Calendar, General Orders, Calendar No. 550, on August 7, 2026. The chair's other advancing measures — the GOOD Act and the Midnight Rules Relief Act — were reported from Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, not from Budget. | Johnson took $32,000 from other political committees against $1.02M in total contributions and $724,071 in itemized individual money. His largest non-individual receipt is the Senate Conservatives Fund at $63,388 — an ideological committee, not an industry one. No regulated-industry concentration is documented in this cycle's filings. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Federal election administration citizens can verify; campaign finance disclosure that keeps pace with spending | S. 4530, amending the federal retirement provisions of title 5, became Public Law 119-95 on May 29, 2026 — the chair's only enacted sponsored measure in the record pulled. Senate Rules and Administration holds jurisdiction over federal elections and Senate campaign finance administration. No election administration or disclosure measure has advanced from this committee in the 119th Congress. | Rules and Administration is the least financially active committee chairmanship in this register. For the 2026 cycle the chair's committee reports $217,447 in receipts, $33,654 in contributions, and $786,802 in contribution refunds — net contributions of negative $753,149. Republic Bank and Trust accounts for $171,925 of non-individual receipts. A committee returning money at that scale is not being funded to act. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Congressional stock trading ban; STOCK Act reform; elimination of member trading conflicts of interest | Nov 19, 2025: "Taking Stock of the STOCK Act" hearing held — high-profile, well-attended. H.R.7008 Stop Insider Trading Act was marked up Jan 14, 2026 and reported out of committee 7–4 on a party-line vote, placed on the Union Calendar (No. 409) Feb 3, 2026. S.1498 HONEST Act (Senate version) was separately reported out of Senate HSGAC Dec 10, 2025. H.R.7008 passed the House 232–198 on July 22, 2026 (Roll 280) and was placed on the Senate Legislative Calendar, General Orders, Calendar No. 548 on August 6, 2026. S.1498 has not received a floor vote. | Steil's #1 donor industry is Securities & Investment at $721,840 (2023–2024), with $198,500 from PACs. Top contributor: Blackstone Group ($56,500). Northwestern Mutual ($31,600). The chair of the committee that reported this bill out is funded primarily by the financial industry that benefits from current congressional trading rules. Securities & Investment funds the chair who sponsored the ban, moved it, and passed it. What the bill he wrote leaves untouched is the finding. | |
| Fair elections; updated NVRA voter registration protections; access to the ballot for all eligible citizens | Dec 10, 2025: "Examining Potential Updates to the NVRA" hearing — Elections Subcommittee. House Administration also has jurisdiction over the SAVE Act (HR 22), which adds documentary proof requirements for voter registration. The committee's elections agenda has focused more on restriction than expansion. | Steil also sits on Financial Services — a dual jurisdiction that means Securities & Investment donors have double exposure to his committee work. Insurance (#5 industry at $349,883, $254,000 from PACs) is a heavily regulated financial sector. The financial services funding pattern is consistent: industries that want deregulation fund the members who write the rules. | |
| Withhold member pay during shutdowns; hold Congress accountable for appropriations failures | H.R.5891 Withhold Member Pay During Shutdowns Act — marked up and ordered reported by House Administration on March 18, 2026, sent to the House for consideration. Not scheduled for a House floor vote despite clearing committee. | A bill that cleared committee and has not reached the House floor is a scheduling decision, not a vote count problem. House Administration controls the markup calendar. Leadership PACs — which gave Steil $462,800 (100% PAC) — have an interest in leadership retaining control of the floor schedule. The Withhold Pay bill constrains that leadership through financial accountability. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Federal research and space programs authorized on time; public data governance for AI systems | Three sponsored measures cleared this committee in the 119th Congress: H.R. 7273, the NASA Reauthorization Act of 2026, ordered reported 37–0 on February 4; H.R. 9341, the AI-Ready Federal Data Guidelines Act, ordered reported 29–0 on June 25; and H.R. 7813, the NOAA Weather Radio Modernization Act, ordered reported by voice vote on March 18. All three are citizen-facing authorizations and all three advanced without opposition. | $1.01M raised, of which $432,302 is reported as coming from other political committees — but itemized PAC-level detail could not be retrieved from the committee identifier on file and is flagged pending. No industry concentration against this committee's jurisdiction is documented. The chair's district contains the NASA Johnson Space Center, which makes constituent and jurisdictional interest difficult to separate. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Oversight of immigration detention conditions; accountability for private detention operators; due process for detained individuals | House Homeland Security oversees DHS and ICE detention policy. CoreCivic — the largest private prison and detention company — operates immigration detention facilities under ICE contracts. Whether the committee has held adversarial oversight hearings examining CoreCivic's detention conditions under the current chairmanship has not yet been checked. | Chair Garbarino's donor profile has not yet been sourced this cycle. The prior chair (Green) had CoreCivic as a named contributor; whether that relationship carries over to the current chair is unverified. Flagged as an open research item rather than asserted. | |
| Cybersecurity protections for critical infrastructure; CISA funding and authority; accountability for federal cybersecurity posture | House Homeland Security has jurisdiction over CISA. Chair Garbarino previously chaired the committee's Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Protection Subcommittee and has publicly prioritized CISA 2015 reauthorization and cybersecurity regulatory harmonization since taking the gavel — a different emphasis than the prior chair's border-security-first agenda, though not yet independently verified against the committee's full hearing record. | Donor profile for the current chair not yet sourced. Under the prior chair, the profile was primarily ideological (AIPAC, Pro-Israel, Republican/Conservative categories) with one direct industry signal (CoreCivic). Whether a similar or different pattern holds for the current chair is an open item. |
Rating · /10
| Citizen Ask | Committee Focus Instead | Financial Reason | Citizen Impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Public release of ethics investigation records into members accused of sexual harassment and misconduct | Voted March 4, 2026 to refer H.Res. 1100 back to the Ethics Committee itself — burying the resolution. 12 sessions in the 119th Congress. Zero public hearings on active investigations. | No donor relationship — the capture mechanism here is institutional self-protection. Both parties converged in near-equal numbers (175R, 182D) to protect the same institution from accountability. |